(This report is currently being reviewed for publication in the Australasian Review of African Studies)
Introduction
This
report is based on research done on behalf of Stichting Afrika Zending and
Across Outreach in Malawi in order to provide relevant information concerning
child witchcraft accusations in the Southern African nation. The main aim of
this research is to gain a better understanding of child witchcraft beliefs and
accusations in Malawi and to contribute to more effective intervention on
behalf of vulnerable children and other vulnerable groups in Malawi.
Background
The
issue of child witchcraft accusations in Sub-Sahara Africa has been highlighted
in the media ever since Stepping Stones Nigeria released their compelling
documentary Saving Africa’s Witch children in 2008 (Foxgroft 2008). This documentary focuses on child witchcraft
beliefs and accusations made by Charismatic and Pentecostal pastors and
prophets in Akwa Ibom state in Nigeria. Recent reports by UNICEF and UNHCR also
describe how child witchcraft beliefs in Sub-Sahara Africa have led to untold
suffering (Bussien 2011; Cimpric 2010). Earlier in 2006 the organisations Save The
Children (Molina 2006) and Human Right Watch (HRW 2006) had reported on child
witchcraft accusations and the resulting abuse and abandonment of children in
the Democratic Republic of Congo. Similar reports have followed from Angola (ICN
2009; LaFraniere 2007) and even from among African migrants in the United
Kingdom (Schnoebelen 2009; Woodward 2012).
However, child witchcraft accusations may be more widespread throughout
Africa than previously thought and also affects South and East Africa. This report is based on research done in
Southern Malawi into the prevalence of child witchcraft beliefs, witchcraft
accusations and persecution of witches.
Methodology
The
research for this report consists of 88 semi-structured interviews of randomly
selected adults and 35 unstructured in-depth interviews with influential
key-persons in rural, semi-urban and urban communities in four districts in Southern
Malawi, namely Thyolo, Blantyre, Zomba and Balaka districts. The respondents in
these communities came from throughout the Southern region with a few
originating from Central and Northern region. The key-persons interviewed were
2 child right activists, 2 police officers, 20 clergy, 10 teachers, 3 village
headmen, 2 medical doctors, 2 lawyers as well as 1 magistrate. Focus group
discussions took place with two groups of youths aged 10 to 17 who had been
victims of abuse resulting from witchcraft accusations in Southern Malawi. In
addition a literature review was done of over a dozen newspaper reports and
articles on the issue of children and witchcraft which appeared in the Malawi
newspapers over the past five years. The
data collection was done over a period of 90 days.
Findings
We must stress that the
findings of our research may not be representative for the whole nation and
additional country-wide research is necessary. Nevertheless, the findings of
our limited research are sufficient cause for concern with more than 65 out of 88
respondents in the semi-structured interviews believing that children can be
witches representing 74%. Many of the respondents, 71 out of 88, have
observed children accused and punished in their communities as witches and
reported that these are subjected to traditional cleansing ceremonies,
exorcisms, arrest, imprisonment, beatings and banishments. All of the respondents have heard reports of
children being killed but no-one reported to have witnessed this. Severe beatings were very common as well as
traditional cleansing ceremonies which included the drinking of unknown and
potentially harmful substances. In the
focus groups as well as interviews with key-persons it was reported that many
children are chased away from their families and are forced to live on the
street and as a result may die of exposure. These children are also vulnerable
to trafficking or may end up in prostitution or become involved in criminal
activities to survive. Out of the 7
underage girls in a safe house in Blantyre reported to have lived on the
streets, surviving by means of prostitution even as young as 12 years of
age. In spite of the harm that can
befall children on the streets 15 respondents were of the opinion that banishment
of children accused of witchcraft was a good solution. Similar sentiments were found among the
specialists who were interviewed with one special needs teacher explicitly
stating that all children suspected of witchcraft should be burned to
death. Elderly men and women who are
suspected of having taught witchcraft to children faced even less mercy with
60% of the respondents calling for them to be beaten and chased away from the community or else be imprisoned.
Although only 2 out of 88 respondents called for suspected witches to be
executed and only 1 of the key-persons who were interviewed it is still reason
for serious concern, particularly in the light of recent extra-judicial
executions of suspected witches in Malawi and other parts of Africa (Kasawala
2008:1, 3; Petraitis 2003; Somanje 2011:1,3).
In as far as accusations are
concerned the general consensus among all respondents was that the testimony of
the children is sufficient for someone to be identified as a witch. Nevertheless, normally confirmation by a
traditional healer or charismatic prophet is recommended. This of course gives the latter the enormous
power to acquit or condemn and in a way the power over life and death. Out of the 88 respondents, 76 indicated that
they first heard about children being witches in the late 1990s or later. This suggests that on the one hand the concept
of children being witches is a relatively new phenomenon in Malawi but on the
other hand already widely spread. It is
also interesting to note that 20% of the respondents (18 out of the 88) no
longer believed in the existence of witchcraft at all. Those who rejected the concept of witchcraft
did so mainly due to higher level education. Of this group 8 went through the
experience of being falsely accused of witchcraft and as a result started to
reflect critically on the issue. This
group also insisted in more thorough investigation and great caution in
entertaining accusations against someone as it is common for parents to
influence their children into making allegations. It was also suggested that
some children are influenced by the many witchcraft stories circulating in the
community combined with the witchcraft themes in Nigerian movies which are
often featured in informal cinemas. Psychological factors have also been
mentioned such as the sense of power one has when accusing someone of witchcraft
or even when asserting to possess some witchcraft related powers. Most of the respondents believed that false
accusations occur frequently out of jealousy, conflict or power struggles
within families or between families or within the community. Many respondents believe that counselling is
the best way forward to deal with children who are suspected to be witches (41
out of 88) while 9 believe that nothing should be done at all as they contend
that witchcraft does not exist. The respondents
included people from various tribal and religious backgrounds but no significant
differences in witchcraft beliefs could be discerned on the basis of tribal
background or religious affiliation.
Evaluation
The findings of our research suggest that beliefs concerning child
witches in Malawi are similar to those found in Akwa Ibom state in Nigeria,
Angola, Democratic Republic of Congo but with less hatred being expressed towards
the children who are believed to be witches.
Many see the children at least partly as victims who have been misled by
some of the elderly who taught them witchcraft.
Generally the elderly bear the brunt of the witch hunts in Malawi (Gondwe
2008; Kandiero 2007:15; Semu-Banda 2008) although our research has shown that
violence against children accused of witchcraft is on the increase in the
country. In the past five years
newspapers reported the murders of several children who were accused of being witches
(Gondwe 2008; MANA 2009:3; Muwamba 2012; Somanje 2011). These are likely to be just a fraction of the
real number as many murders are disguised as accidents or suicides.
It is also sobering to reflect on the fact that the current situation in
Nigeria, Angola, the Democratic Republic of Congo with extreme violence against
children accused of witchcraft was in the past similar to what it is in Malawi at
present today. In these countries
socio-economic problems, rapid urbanisation, the impact of the HIV/AIDS
pandemic and the influence of some Nigerian religious movies are some of the
factors which caused child witchcraft accusations, torture and murders to reach
epidemic proportions as highlighted in the UNICEF report (Cimpric 2010). From discussions with various NGOs who work
among street children, local human rights organizations, the department of
social welfare and from discussions with victimised children themselves it is
likely that in Southern Malawi there are several hundred children who are
subjected to violence and abandonment on the basis of witchcraft
accusations. In the whole of Malawi
there may be even a few thousand victims.
Many children living on the street have been chased away from their
homes due to witchcraft accusations and also several of the teenage prostitutes
we interviewed were forced into the trade after they had been accused of
witchcraft and chased away from their homes. It was also observed that 12 of
the 15 ‘witch children’ placed in safe houses in Blantyre, Malawi have lost one
or both parents. This suggests a link between the high number of orphans due to
the HIV/AIDS pandemic and child witchcraft accusations. Several respondents
mentioned in the interview that people accuse children of witchcraft because
they are orphans and their upkeep is too much of a burden to the host
family. However, culturally it is
unacceptable for anyone in the extended family to refuse to take care of a needy
family member. However, once the family member is labelled as a witch it becomes
socially acceptable to mistreat and abandon such a person. One respondent
related seeing how a 5 year old boy was severely beaten by relatives after the
witch doctor had identified him as the witch who was responsible for the death
of his parents who had succumbed to Aids. The child became so traumatised that
it is now behaving as if mentally disturbed and as he is neglected by the same
relatives his survival changes are small. A research by UNICEF in several other
African countries has shown that many of the children accused of witchcraft
there are orphans as well (Cimpric 2010:1-3).
Some respondents mentioned that they witnessed children being arrested
by the police after they were accused by the community of witchcraft. However,
we did not come across any evidence that any minor was ever convicted of
witchcraft by any magistrate. The cases of arrest may refer to cases where
children were taken into protective custody.
Some of the children in the safe houses had been taken to the police by
the relatives who accused them of witchcraft but the children were not
arrested. A 16 year old girl in one of the focus groups related how she was rescued
by the police from being beaten to death and taken to hospital. Until date the police has failed to arrest
the step-brother who had assaulted her for being a witch. Nevertheless, the
police officers and magistrates who we interviewed expressed their frustration
with not knowing how to handle witchcraft accusations and an unwillingness to
enforce the witchcraft act under which witchcraft accusations are in fact illegal.
To complicate matters some magistrates have actually entertained witchcraft
accusations against adults accused of witchcraft while admitting evidence from
children who allegedly had been taught witchcraft by the accused (BBC 2010). Apart from the problems associated with
accepting testimonies from impressionable minors the evidence presented is of a
supernatural nature and at the same time the whole procedure of entertaining
witchcraft accusations let alone conviction and sentencing is unlawful under the
witchcraft act.
Conclusion
The issue of child witchcraft accusations is a growing
phenomenon in Southern Malawi as child witchcraft beliefs have been adopted by
the majority of the people (Chandilanga 2008:4-5). It appears that in the case of Malawi these
beliefs are partially a foreign import with Nigerian movies and the growth of Pentecostalism
as contributing factors.
It also appears that these beliefs found fertile soil in Malawi due to
pre-existing witchcraft beliefs which include the belief that children can be
taught witchcraft by elderly witches (BBC 2010; Byrnie 2011). The well-known African theologian John Mbiti described the fear of witchcraft
as one of the most disturbing elements in African religion and life (in
Westerlund 1985:36-37).
Nevertheless, we need to recognise that apart from deep-seated beliefs,
witchcraft accusations are also an effective way to scapegoat those who are
perceived as a burden or a threat to the community (PRA 2012).
Witchcraft
fears, witchcraft accusations and witch hunts may well represent a general
feeling of insecurity, unhappiness and helplessness in society. While witchcraft fears appear to have been
part of the various African cultures in Malawi for many centuries, its recent
revival and media attention has various underlying sociological causes. The rapid modernization of Malawian society
has brought with it new socio-economic and political problems, this combined
with adverse climatic conditions and natural disasters in the form of floods
and droughts, results in a lot of frustration in society. This frustration in the community may be
translated in the scapegoating of orphans, widows, the elderly, foreigners and
other outsiders as witches, sorcerers and Satanists (Lagerwerf 1987:33;
Schoeneman 1975:529ff). Nevertheless, witchcraft
accusations represent a counter-productive way of resolving social tension as
they in themselves produce more tension and perpetuate fear and repression (Bourdillon
1990:203-204, 212; Schoeneman 1975:532ff). There appears to be a link between witchcraft
accusations against the elderly and children. It has been suggested by several
respondents that since these segments of society are the least infected with
HIV/AIDS they are looked upon with suspicion by those who belong to the age
groups most infected. With more than
half of the respondents still believing that most disease and death is caused
by witchcraft it is likely that without intervention witchcraft accusations of
children, the elderly and other vulnerable groups will continue to increase.
In terms of legislation it has become increasingly clear that existing
legislation dealing with witchcraft allegations has not been properly enforced
and has often been misinterpreted and misapplied to convict people of
witchcraft and jail them (BBC 2010; Phiri 2007:10; Semu-Banda 2008). At the
same time there has been a cry from the general public in Malawi for the
government to further criminalise witchcraft and revise the witchcraft act so
it can be used effectively to convict people of witchcraft (BBC 2010; Byrnie
2011; Chandilanga 2008:4-5, Gondwe 2008). However, rather than giving in to the outcry
of a majority to criminalise witchcraft as they have been influenced by a
mixture traditional and modern witchcraft beliefs and other magical notions, partially
inspired by Nigerian movies, such a thing would expose vulnerable groups in
Malawi to even more unfounded accusations, abuse and unjust punishments. It is by far better for the government of
Malawi to decriminalise witchcraft and at the same time decriminalise witchcraft
accusations as both are in essence spiritual and religious matters. In any
secular country where religion and state are separate entities no court is competent
to pass ruling on matters of faith and belief. Freedom of belief including the
belief in witchcraft, the belief that someone or one-self is a witch is
enshrined in the constitution and cannot be criminalised. However, as soon as people commit human rights
abuses these should be objectively be dealt with by the law and on the basis of
factual evidence regardless of whatever belief the accusers or the accused
hold. The courts must limit themselves
to matters covered by the law and deal with physical evidence in the natural
realm. Under no circumstances should the courts be allowed to admit
supernatural evidence from religious experts, nor entertain testimonies from
children about supernatural experiences some of which have made headlines in
Malawi (Mmane 2007:1,3). The courts should not entertain or admit self-incriminating
confessions of people of who claim to have supernaturally hurt or killed other
people, let alone convict them as has happened in the past (Chibaya 2007:15; Kandiero
2008:4). Such confessions are religious and not criminal in nature. Also one
must keep in mind that self-incriminating confessions can be made for a number
of reasons such as social pressure and coercion, but also religious
indoctrination, delusions and various physiological and psychological causes.
Even the presence of charms, amulets and traditional medicine in someone’s
possession does not constitute evidence of a crime, they are religious
artefacts. Many people in Africa have such artefacts in their possession in
order to protect themselves against evil supernatural forces or to gain good luck. The court must deal only with crime and
tangible evidence in the physical realm and stay out of the realm of religion.
Beliefs no matter how unacceptable or irrational they may appear to those who
hold differing beliefs cannot and should not be legislated, only unlawful
behaviour and unlawful actions flowing out from such beliefs can be and should
be regulated. In particular
extrajudicial executions of people accused of witchcraft must be dealt with
strongly as it is a serious threat to the whole of society when people start
taking the law into their own hands (Kasawala 2009:1, 3).
Some
intervention is already taking place as in 2010 a small coalition was formed by
Human rights activist Emmie Chanika of Civil Liberties Committee, Reverend
Aubrey Goliat, Children’s rights activists Frank Phiri, Samantha Antonio and others
under the banner of ‘The Coalition
against Witchcraft Stigmatization of Children in Africa’. In spite of lack of
sufficient funding the coalition has since organised over forty workshops
throughout Southern Malawi reaching about 1500 clergy and community leaders. The first consultation about child witchcraft
allegations for child care organisations in Blantyre was organised in February
2011 and another at the 20th anniversary of Civil Liberties Committee. The coalition also teamed up with the
association of secular humanists to sponsor a weekly radio broadcast about the
issue of witchcraft allegations and the witchcraft act (Mlozi 2012:35). With
the support of Across Outreach and the help of Stepping Stones Nigeria and the
Bar Human rights association of the United Kingdom a contribution was submitted
through the Malawi Law society in 2011 addressed to the special law committee
which was established in 2009 to review the witchcraft act. The aim of this contribution was to point at
internationally accepted rule of law principles and internationally recognised
human rights norms and standards. Nevertheless,
much more needs to be done in terms of awareness creation and intervention at
community level and on a national scale.
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